It is not difficult to see the irony inspiring public disapproval: the teachers are fighting for education, but they are constantly involved in union activities that ostensibly take them out of the classroom. This fundamental disconnect, added to decades of government smear campaigns, has created for the teachers' union a very serious image problem and a constant struggle for public support.
They used tear gas and physical assault to disperse and frighten the teachers and their children and then destroyed the encampment by tearing down tents and tarps and setting fire to personal belongings. But after the brutal repression, Oaxacan citizens and the teachers' union could agree that URO had to go. Civil society organizations across the state gathered together with Section 22 to call for the governor's deposal, forming APPO, an assembly of assemblies and a movement of movements, which organized the uprising over the ensuing 6 months.
Ruiz Ortiz took office in in what was widely considered a fraudulent election and immediately instituted repressive tactics to quell dissent, including jailing and disappearing activists and replacing Oaxaca newspaper employees with his own party loyalists. URO was popular with almost nobody in Oaxaca, and the June 14th repression was the last straw for an already angry populace. The collective disdain for URO created solidarity among APPO members and opened a space for dialogues about other political problems in the state, which the popular assembly then expanded its agenda to address.
The Popular Assembly of the Peoples of Oaxaca had a strong base of Section 22 teachers and participation from a wide range of social and political organizations in Oaxaca, including indigenous rights groups, women's organizations, artist collectives, workers' associations, and activist coalitions. In adopting and modifying this structure for the Oaxaca Commune, APPO provided an opportunity for historically minoritized populations—women, indigenous peoples, and working class citizens—to directly participate in urban political organizing and state politics.
However, it is not a simple task, it is a process that will take time, because it is contributing to a political transition, which today we all claim and must build, recognizing the legal pluralism and autonomy of indigenous pueblos, as well as respect for their forms of social and political coexistence as the basis of a new political constitution for the state of Oaxaca, being the governing axis for the welfare of everyone, without discrimination based on ethnicity, age, sex, social status, or religious belief.
Every July, Oaxaca City becomes a morass of tourists huddled in the streets of the historic city center to observe the Guelaguetza, a folk festival purported to celebrate Oaxaca's eight different regions and their indigenous communities. However, the most direct antecedent to the Guelaguetza Festival is the Homenaje Racial Racial Homage , introduced during Oaxaca City's th anniversary celebration in April As Poole explains, intellectuals and urban elites led by governor Genaro V. A photograph from the Homenaje Racial shows the delegation from Oaxaca's Central Valleys region in one of the staging areas encircling the central performance arena Figure 3.
Here, we begin to see how the raced and classed visual politics of the Homenaje Racial , at once both taxonomizing and unifying through nationalist logic, were also definitively gendered and negotiated principally through women's bodies. Photograph by Juan Arriaga. In , Oaxaca state government and municipal officials met with representatives from national companies and the commercial sector of Oaxaca City to brainstorm strategies for transforming Oaxaca into a tourist destination and bringing it more fully into economic modernity Lizama Quijano, , p.
The term guelaguetza comes from the Zapotec indigenous communities of Oaxaca's Sierra Norte region and connotes an offering, a gift, or fulfillment of obligation. In practice, guelaguetza refers to a structure of kinship operating through mutual support and reciprocity in the context of major life events and fiestas in indigenous pueblos Whitecotton, Thus guelaguetza is a dynamic of giving and receiving and way to share resources to support community members for the benefit of everyone in the pueblo. Leaving the benefit to indigenous communities entirely ambiguous, coerced supplication was made to look like reciprocal exchange.
The more elite the festival became, the more drive there was to professionalize it. Indigenous delegations were invited back yearly only if they proved to be most popular among the audience and performance spots were at times given to celebrities or family members of government officials in place of indigenous community members. The festival was ripe for retaking in , when state citizens were coming together around their contempt for governor URO and their visions for a new popular government.
The Oaxaca Commune was gathering considerable strength in the weeks leading up to the Guelaguetza in July of Oaxaca City was in a state of widespread unrest and the people were demanding URO's removal from office. URO had fled Oaxaca City and moved most of his government offices to suburban areas outside of the capital. Appearing behind the safety screen of corporate television stations, he insisted that the Guelaguetza would continue as scheduled. One can begin to unravel the complex visual politics of the People's Guelaguetza in its boycott propaganda.
A satirized figure of URO with oversized nose and donkey ears appears in the full regalia of the one of the most popular Guelaguetza dances, Danza de la Pluma Feather Dance , from the Central Valleys region. Cultural Loot! Corruption of Tradition! Approximately 10, members of APPO, including a large sector of Local Section 22 teachers, occupied the Guelaguetza Auditorium the weekend before the first scheduled Lunes del Cerro Guelaguetza dance performance.
Collective, URO finally canceled the Guelaguetza, citing worries for the safety of tourists, in what many considered his first public concession that he did not have control of the growing uprising in the capital city. This phrase appeared in informal promotional for the People's Guelaguetza and was also used to describe APPO's plan for popular democracy, a rhetorical connection that brings us to the second strategy of the Guelaguetza Popular —to galvanize support for APPO's proposed political transformation.
Soberanes explains that APPO had composed 20 principles to guide the assembly and structure the movement in the beginning of the uprising. APPO's uptake of comunalidad as a guiding principle is the crux that linked the objectives of APPO with those of Section 22 and formed the basis for the People's Guelaguetza as a strategy in service of those goals.
And a key aspect of fiesta in the communities is guelaguetza , the practice of mutual support and reciprocal exchange of gifts, goods, and labor to make communal celebrations possible. This connotation had been entirely lost in the predatory usurpation of the term for the state Guelaguetza, but it was abundant in the Guelaguetza Popular , a celebration manifested through collective participation, by and for indigenous peoples and their communities. In recuperating the Guelaguetza Festival from the state and revitalizing its spirit of reciprocity, exchange, and mutual aid, APPO and Section 22 offered a visual, embodied demonstration of their popular assembly model based in comunalidad.
APPO's festival, liberated from the demands of a government catering to elite and tourist audiences, offered an opportunity for indigenous peoples including, importantly, indigenous teachers to represent themselves through cultural and political expression, fostering nonhierarchical exchanges akin to those created in the popular assembly. In this way, the festival, like other APPO visual culture initiatives, manifested the political structure it was endorsing and prefigured the political changes it imagined.
Prefiguration, defined by Maeckelbergh , p. Prefiguration has a particular valence and flexibility when operating through social movement visual culture, the creative and imaginative possibilities of which assist in making visible the desired or proposed political transformations. The following analysis will attempt to bear this out.
The festival unfolded in the traditional way over 3 consecutive days, starting with the convite invitation , in which indigenous community groups from each of the regions of Oaxaca state walk through the central neighborhoods of Oaxaca City, inviting the public to join the festival. Some folks carry tall, verdant corn stalks tied with colorful ribbons and balloons, bobbing them up and down in the air in time to the music. The Convite Popular introduced the spirit of sharing among communities and coming together in mutual support to create a fiesta by and for the people.
APPO and Section 22 continued the celebration the next day with the calenda parade , a roving celebration in which each of the indigenous groups, now joined with the public, demonstrated the dances and offered the resources of their regions. Instead of staying within the tourist walkway, the Guelaguetza Popular parade passed through all of the oldest neighborhoods of the city—with their cobblestoned streets, worn buildings, and humble homes. This calenda was a celebration shared between visiting indigenous communities and ciudadanos city residents , regular folks, families, and neighbors, rather than overrun with foreigners and tourists.
People actively participated in the dances instead of observing from the sidewalk, introducing a link between sharing in communal fiesta and participating in APPO, as it was clear that the event was also a political march. Delegations representing Section 22 and APPO marched with banners promoting the union and the popular assembly and denouncing state oppression. Already fell!
This is the Guelaguetza! Here no one will go hungry! They're not going to charge us anything! It's all free! This is real fiesta and we haven't done it this way for so long! The dance showcase culminating the first People's Guelaguetza took place in the soccer stadium of the Oaxaca Technological Institute, with over 20, people in attendance. Many more indigenous communities were in attendance, including some that had never been invited to perform in the state's show, and the program was doubled in length to accommodate all of the invited communities.
Instead, many performers wore their own clothing and their styles and dance movements displayed the organic variations and inconsistencies that one might see in community fiestas. The performers were actual members of the indigenous communities they represented, bringing together some of these groups for the first time all in one place. The Guelaguetza Popular organizers took care to allow for indigenous groups to make choices about how they wanted to be seen, fostering a space of respect for the diversity of Oaxaca's peoples that was directly contrary to the static and monolithic presentation of indigeneity in the state's program.
Most crucially, with the majority of the performers being Section 22 teachers and their students from the pueblos , this directly connected the teachers' own indigeneity to their political activism. The visual expression of indigeneity was further reinforced in recitations and speeches by members of the various communities in their own languages, supporting APPO and Section 22 calls to preserve indigenous languages in resistance to government standardization campaigns.
Ojo de Agua 's video shows that organizers from APPO and Section 22 teachers, including union local leader Enrique Rueda Pacheco, take the stage together at various moments during the program, some wearing indigenous customary dress and others in shirts bearing the CNTE logo. In the same way, the people have the capacity to [make] their own government. Some of the most searing commentary rendered on stage came from children, especially young indigenous girls.
Among the culpatory lines are these, directed with defiant anger at colonizers and neocolonizers: I am Zapotec! As Stephen and Poole have pointed out, the Oaxaca Commune provided an opportunity for civil society to claim the rights to speak and to be heard. Rather, the APPO seems to articulate a sort of collective desire to find a new language of political engagement through which people can claim a right that is not — and in fact probably cannot be — guaranteed in any constitution: the right to be heard.
Participating groups shared real, living customs of communal fiesta rather than tightly choreographed shows. Visual symbolism of this solidarity and unity under APPO was subtly worked into the costuming and programming. The red APPO star could be seen among the paper lanterns that were twirled across the stage in the opening segment and amidst the colorful feathers on the headdresses of the athletic Danza de la Pluma performers. APPO had not succeeded in deposing URO and lost strength due to the deaths, forced disappearances, and incarceration of many of its members.
The People's Guelaguetza has coexisted with the state Guelaguetza in subsequent years. The Guelaguetza Popular took place in the context of a social movement resurgence unfolding during the tenth anniversary of the Oaxaca Commune. Commemorative marches and manifestations, along with protests against the implementation of neoliberal structural reforms instituted by President Nieto in created a tense atmosphere reminiscent of the uprising's beginning 10 years before.
There is no consensus on the number of casualties, but one journalist Abbott, reported over injured and at least eight killed. By the time of the People's Guelaguteza on July 25th of that year, Section 22 organizers were mourning these loses but remained seditious as ever. The union local produced an incendiary promotional video that was disseminated through social media CNTE, et al. The convite and calenda were each massive marches testifying to the ongoing strength of the teachers' movement and its unrelenting dedication to social justice.
Some groups included banners protesting mines and other transnational extractive projects that threaten indigenous communal wusa, attesting to the continued effort to keep the Guelaguetza Popular responsive to the political issues of the current moment and connected to the specific struggles of the indigenous communities participating. Familiar songs and dances were transformed into protest ballads with creative visual modifications during the People's Guelaguetza dance performance.
In memory of our disappeared, fallen, and political prisoners. Never forgive, never forget! Photograph by Mitzi Serrano. Even with artful modifications that evinced the festival's ongoing evolution, many felt that the People's Guelaguetza had lost its overall impact. For example, the format remained fairly static as an oppositional mirror to the state's Guelaguetza and efforts had not been made to alter some of the sexist and heteronormative aspects of the dance performance.
Section 22's Guelaguetza Popular , with no vestige of APPO in site, had scaled back its focus to the reflect the organizers' most immediate and pressing concern—education. In Oaxaca, that means fighting for rural indigenous education, which has been under even more dire threat since President Nieto's education reforms were introduced. These reforms are but one part of a sweeping government campaign to privatize public social services, with public education as principal among them. Nieto's education reform plan mandates standardized tests and other bureaucratic hoops for teachers to jump through to get and keep their jobs.
The CNTE insists that these rules are designed to weaken the union and lay off union teachers. On one side are the unionized teachers, who have maintained protests and blockades against the education changes passed in February ; on the other side are corporate leaders and their political allies, who seek to dismantle the teachers' unions, and open up education to private investment. I think that in the logic of the government, the idea was to first hit the teachers' movement and the union, and to take it apart, because it would be difficult to articulate or manifest the struggle against the structural reforms without the teacher's union [since] the teacher's union might be the only sector that is strong enough to withstand government force.
Above all [the reforms] are going to affect the pueblos …the original communities of Oaxaca F. The most problematic aspects of the education reforms for Oaxaca and other poor states with large indigenous populations are those in which resources from the rural schools are transferred to the urban centers and national education standards are imposed without deference to indigenous cultures, languages, and communal lifeways.
These collected tribute and settled disputes Chance ; Kowalewski This again, was due to the Spanish recognition that the caciques were a practical means of gaining control over the Indian masses Chance However, and although the caciques continued to enjoy a privileged status, they soon had to prove their rightful legitimization in front of the Spanish authorities. Accordingly, and probably natural for both indigenous elite and Spaniards officials alike, this legitimization would had to been based and presented in form of a document stating the ancestral rights of the cacique to his title, land, tribute, etc.
Smith on Mixtec lienzos , emphasized the judicial aspect of these documents in Colonial context.
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However, since for the European judicial system the territorial possession was much more crucial than the historical legitimization of it perhaps since they, of course, had none for the New World , later pictorial produced specifically for these court of law emphasize boundaries, while limiting the historical aspects to the minimum necessary Mundy These, on the other hand, were occasionally based on the pictorial documents, whether CH or any other van Doesburg The latter, although still pictographic in essence, are demonstrating larger degree of artistic acculturation, while are no longer conveying the deeper iconographic meaning that is present in the early CH.
She further notes that the Spanish court emphasized the rights of ownership over those of possession, and a territorial claim based on the former would have won over a case basing on the latter. That, in turn, required a re-adaptation of the Colonial indigenous nobility from custom-based possession to legal-based ownership, in order to secure their landholdings20 ibid: As such, territory was viewed more as property and possession than as actual geography.
It is within this legal environment in which we observe the emergence of new cacicazgos after the Spanish conquest. Another was the ancient habit of dividing royal estates between the ruler couple descendants Spores 86; Elite intermarriage was a common way to gain or claim territorial control both in pre-Hispanic and Colonial times.
As observed for the ruling elite families in the historical codices, Colonial geneaologies, and many of the CH, marriages occurred between status-equals, from the same or from other cacicazgos. Status-titles were not held jointly by the couple, but rather separately for the husband and wife. In case of inter-cacicazgos marriage, estates were held together. If so, than the question of what was the nature of pre-Hispanic CHs will have to be re-evaluated. Only the legitimate offsprings of the royal-caste couple could have claimed a cacique title, although exceptions are common during the Colonial period.
Royal estates were split among several children, thus creating new cacicazgos Spores Nevertheless, there seem to have been a tendency to favor male inheritors over females Spores Either way, perhaps the most common way to proclaim rights for a cacicazgo ancestral territory, or claim a new cacicazgo territory, was through the use of CHs or later by the titulos primordiales , where the representatives often of two disputing sides would paint and present their respective cabecera, subject towns, and boundaries. We should also be careful to recognize which document belonged to which CH type, since some were probably painted for purely legal purposes, although others were drawing from the broad CH genre, if not from an actual earlier CH document.
But we should remember that it was the cabecera from where the CH arrived from in the first place, and these probably had been there for some time before reaching the Spanish courts. Still, as the pictographic territory could be have been understood differently by different viewers, so was the narrative.
These pictorial narratives were supposedly accompanied by an oral explanation, performed by the specialized Tlamatinime. This might have been particularly relevant in our context, since the same docuemnt could have been used to tell the story both to the Spanish and the indigenous, in their own toungue.
We already mentioned that this aspect of the CH was of little, or less, importance to the Spaniards. Accordingly, we could imagine that when this was orally narrated in front of a Spanish audaince, most probably in a judicial context, most historical details were spared. However, if we think of an indigenous narrator in front of an indigenous audiance, then we could also postulate that the narrative could have been elaborated much beyond the visible pictography Leibsohn What was the final purpose of such narrative?
When a CH was presented within the indigenous sphere, and however important was the territory, still this was considered as subordinate to its history. In fact, the territory itself did not exist independently from the history, since its formation is in the first place was a part of the narrative. Accordingly, any depicted event could be either place-oriented, such as in the case of the codex Xolotl Robertson 64 , or alternatively the event could be marked for its protagonists or an action taking place. Similarly, boundary topoglyphs functioned differently than within-boundary topoglyphs.
While the former served as delimitation of the stage and thus had to be depicted subsequently, the latter mostly played a role in the narrative, and could be represented through their function in the story line although geographical position did play some part. CH: Territoriality and Historiography in Factional Competition At this point in the discussion we can introduce the concepts of indigenous identity, factions, and factional competition. However, it was the rapid decline of the great powers such as the Aztec empire and others such as Tututepec soon after the Spanish conquest that revealed the true nature of factions and factional competition in Mesoamerica The similar structure of all these indigenous sociopolitical units, in contrast to each cacicazgo individual identity, would make of them indeed factional par excellence.
Instead, allegiances seem to have been directed to the local community and its ruler.
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Therefore, the focus of political competition was between these units. Only naturally, since power implied territory and vice versa , the boundaries and associated toponyms between rivalling polities came effectively into focus. People all throughout the ages have manipulated history to justify their presence in a land the Old Testament perhaps being one of the most famous examples. The question of whether or not these depicted events actually took place in the past is of importance, but not the main issue.
Of course, these events that are rooted in a historical reality are of great importance to us today. We might therefore suspect that factions and factional competition among the elite level would have also been manifested in the CHs iconography, and would come to play in the circumstances behind their manufacture and later use This difference primarily lies with the fact that such documents are still biographies, but of a polity or cacicazgo rather than of those who rule it.
However, if before rulership drew its legitimization from divine ancestors, the CHs clearly show that the conception of ancestorship has been secularized in Colonial times. This might be explained as either an autochthonous transformation, as a result of the Christian suppression of such ideas, or more probably the combination of both. Since CH iconography and large size for lienzos would not have been essential in a Spanish court of law, I prefer to think one of their prime functions was related to public view in front of respective elite audiences.
But caciques did not concern themselves only with their fellow noble rivals. As an elite propagandic tool, CHs could have function either horizontally, aimed at competing caciques or affiliated elite members , or vertically directed to the subjects Marcus In the Colonial context this latter might have further emphasized, since the Spanish administrative policy of creating new territorial units further severed the traditional ties between rulers and ruled Brumfiel a: It seems obvious that if the Spaniards had insisted on legal evidence based on European standards, then the CH tradition would have not been maintained in use for so long that it did.
On the other hand, it is well reasonable that from their side the caciques insisted on using these traditional modus operandi, since these were their symbols of legitimization and frame of reference in front of their subjects, and which might have to be constantly reaffirmed To close the circle, this would have put the caciques and their CH in a new and delicate position.
To summarize, it seems that in the Colonial context CHs operated on four sociopolitical levels or interaction spheres; the first- that of the immediate community, defining the relations between its members, and identifying it as a group; the second- between the cacique and ruling elite , and the subordinate rulers and other subjects in their respective cacicazgo; the third- in between individual cacicazgos, and more specifically in between their rivalling caciques; and the forth- between the indigenous and the Spaniards.
As I will argue below, all of these would be manifest in our case study, the Lienzo de Tecciztlan y Tequatepec. Glass further mentions the lienzo was registered in the inventory, without a title. Although this title by no means should imply a provenience for the document, I still find this as the most objective denomination since it is based on a physical feature of the lienzo, rather than an interpretation.
Furthermore, it refers to the second stratum, i. The best published reproduction to date is that of Glass fig. For the benefit of the reader a facsimile of this reproduction is included here Fig. The personages in scene V were numbered according to their sitting order 1 to 9 , the leftmost being the first. This analytical scheme was chosen here as to facilitate the following discussion, where the reader could ideally refer to each of the individual elements.
Photographs of the LTT found at the Peabody Museum are attributed to Teobart Maler, who either made them himself or purchased them at the Wilkinson sale in Glass and Robertson Unfortunately, this document is now considered lost After its arrival to the museum, the lienzo had been sewn and pasted over a larger cotton sheet that serves it as support. Currently it is kept rolled in another cotton sheet, inside a long plastic box.
It is taken out of the box only for the specific request of research analysis. Since it will be assumed that the LTT is in fact the original mentioned, it is not clear if this lost manuscript ever physically accompanied the lienzo. John Glass was the first known scholar to briefly describe the lienzo, both physically as well as pictorially.
Except for the reading of three glosses see chapters 7. Glass and Robertson further mention some of the pictorial elements present, but do not provide much additional information. Presumably by following the style of the pictorial conventions, both Glass and Glass and Robertson date the document to the 16th century.
As will be elaborated in chapter 11, I believe this short interpretation has much truth in it. Unfortunately the author does not provide us with further details or the source for this interpretation. The a publication included a small reproduction though in a negative format and upside down , and several trace lines of the topoglyphs and human figures. Nevertheless, she went on to offer three possible readings, supporting her argument with other Colonial manuscripts and mapas.
Finally, following earlier indications that the lienzo might have come from the Chontal town of Santiago Astata, her main concern was with this town as the alleged producer of the LTT, or alternatively with Tehuantepec see further discussion in chapters 11 and A careful attention was also paid to the iconography and the glosses, along with a 35 It should be acknowledged that since the thesis was written in German, this has presented some difficulties in my reading and understanding of its content.
I thank Alessia Frassani for providing her linguistic skills, although any misinterpretations of the original German text are my own. As noted above, strictly speaking the LTT should be considered an out-of-context artifact, as its original provenience is uncertain and early history unknown.
Nonetheless, we can reconstruct such a temporal and spatial context from the clues in the document itself, further aided by auxiliary documents. This would be the goal of the following Chapters. Stratigraphy and Style Although originally considered as a single document, the LTT is actually composed of three or four superimposed strata, all inter-related. Accordingly, the correct identification and sequence reconstruction of the strata should allow us to understand the stratigraphic discourse between each of the modifications made to the LTT.
Accordingly, some of my interpretations in the Calgary papers coincided with theirs, while others did not. However, I have drawn much ideas and inspiration from both, either from their publications or through personal communications. In the BNAH I could further work with their digitized images of the lienzo, and make reproductions of the available color slides. As should be expected, the final criteria is the hardest to establish, and will be dealt in detail only further on.
As mentioned above, all three strata refer and interact with each other, and indeed every stratum is affecting the other, both physically and conceptually. To understand these relations, each would have to be considered thematically, that is- which elements were changed or added, and which were not.
We should also remember that by the nature of the superimposition, not only the painter saw and interacted with the previous strata, but also the readers. In either case, every stratum would be treated below both separately and in regard to the others, very similar in essence to archaeological strata, emphasizing both its chronological position as well as other stylistic and thematic considerations. Since the document is lacking both indigenous and European dates, it is attempted here to temporally place each of the strata according to the style represented.
The more detailed analysis and interpretation of the pictorial elements, scenes, and glosses would be the subject of the following chapters. Stratum 1: the Cloth Since the cloth matrix is in itself a cultural artifact, strictly speaking it should be considered as the first stratum. These were used to form six individual sheets, using both hand and traditional loom weaving a: Since the weaving technique is pretty simple and common, it would be hard to tie it with any specific regional tradition.
The presence of finished borders on all of the sheets indicates that none of these were cut after they were woven and sewn together, meaning that our document is complete. Other than some minor tears at the joints of the folds and some wear at the edges, the LTT cloth is in a very good state of preservation. At roughly the third and two-thirds of the left border of the lienzo to the left of topoglyph E5 and D3 , two black cotton threads have been tied firmly to the lienzo border Chart 1.
Their purpose is unclear, but since these are not visible in the Glass reproduction although they could have been folded beneath the cloth , these might have been added recently, perhaps to tie the rolled-up document. Although currently the cloth is sewn and pasted over a larger cotton sheet, there have been no other visible marks or other on the back side of the original lienzo Marie vander Meeren, personal communication, August The stratum is composed of lines, colors, and hues applied directly onto the blank woven cloth, and without any specific prepatory treatment.
The colors and hues used were brown, red, orange, blue, green, black, and white. It can be assumed that these were mineral or vegetal-based pigments, applied with brushes of varying sizes As will be argued later for several of the pictorial elements, the colors in the LTT were not necessarily intended to be realistic, but probably played an iconographic role as is often the case in the pre-Hispanic art It should be noted that for the antiquity of the document, some of these have faded or may have discolored. The frame lines are mostly unvarying, while the colors are well applied and defined.
Several erased lines throughout the extent of the document point to stages in the composition of this stratum rather than to later changes. Such corrections and retouches are known from other both pre- and post-Hispanic documents41 the CH in the Historia Tolteca-Chichimeca for example. The red hues might have been extracted from the cochineal insect, which was also a common practice in the area.
If feasible, the pigments composition could be analyzed in the future in order to source their provenience. These topoglyphs are distributed in a rectangular arrangement following the contour of the cloth, while a faint line runs through most of these lines B, C, and D. In accordance to the indigenous artistic tradition, the topoglyphs are composed of combined parts Robertson However, many other topoglyphs are less orthodox, and it is hard to place them in either a pre- or post-Hispanic tradition see further discussion in chapter 6.
The two small lakes or lagoons were drawn in the European style, and are rather similar to those from other coastal charts and maps Mundy 52, The continuous swirling waves motif at the very bottom of the lienzo must represent a big body of water. In the context of our suspected geographical location of southeastern Oaxaca, it would be suggested that this element in the LTT does indeed stand for the Pacific Ocean.
It is further interesting that the ocean swirls are represented as if flowing from right to left, which for the Oaxacan Pacific coast would be from east to west. This in fact is in accordance with the actual isthmian currents along the coasts to the west of Tehuantepec personal communication of an anonymous fisherman in Huatulco. An erased human figure can be still seen to the left of topoglyph E3. Finally, topoglyph A3-I is composed of two earlier versions before the 3 rd stratum was applied , perhaps as correction or even an intermediate pentimento.
The rivers V with their swirling eddies are also typical of the early artistic convention, and might even be follow of a specific tradition River V4 is distinguished by its size and style, and will be discussed within the next stratum. All in all, the two dimensional representation of the landscape is following the pre-Hispanic two-dimensional format, whether it was in geographical or cosmological depictions, and no attempts have been made to depict naturalistic landscape, as was common in later cartographic documents.
Many of the persons are depicted with triangular-eye and eyebrows, both characteristics of Colonial convention, and which Smith contrasted with the circular and semi-circular shaped eye of the pre- Hispanic codices This is typical to the pre-Hispanic convention, as seen for example in the Mixtec codices. It is assumed that this convention appeared in indigenous art after the conquest, and was probably inspired from European depictions First, it might be that the traditional tlacuilo was in the process of learning new conventions, and this acculturation is expressed the LTT A second possible explanation relates to the relative status of these individuals.
Is it possible that by using the more traditional style for the higher-status individuals, our traditional tlacuilo meant to endow them with higher prestige? The figures attire, nevertheless, is almost all typically native. One scene at the lower portion is limited to the depiction of flora and fauna. There are variations in size, and there does not seem to be a unified scale.
The shell fish are similar to those in other depictions of the 44 Robertson has already considered these two forms of human depictions as a fundamental transformation in the Early Colonial indigenous art Since these figures had to be present in the historical narrative of the primary document as discussed below, it is assumed they are contemporary with the topoglyph.
Native taxonomy requires even the pattern of roots for a complete description, soth [Sic. The less typical feature here is the pillar, a rare or unknown feature from the codices, but found in other post- Hispanic pictorials The painter of this stratum was surely a most apt tlacuilo.
The overall composition and exquisite pictorial style suggest this person was either a practicing tlacuilo even before the conquest, or was trained by one. We can broadly trace his tradition to the Mixteca-Puebla style, which manifested throughout most of Mesoamerica during the Postclassic. Although an intriguing detail, whether this was an accidental, intentional, or intuitive act of the tlacuilo could not be determined at the moment.
The fact that the style appears closer to Central Mexican documents rather than to Oaxacan might indicate that the tlacuilo was either especially commissioned from the area, or was solicited while traveling in the area Jansen 41 mentions the possibility that highly appreciated codex painters traveled in the Mixteca and worked for different caciques. On the other hand, the evidence pointing to the fact that the LTT was found in Oaxaca, does not ascertain either that it was originally painted in this region.
The final identification of the provenience should be deduced from the content and related early history of the document for each of its composing strata , rather than the style or final reported provenience see Jansen 31 for a further discussion of these methodological considerations. Nonetheless, the tlacuilo, or perhaps the two of them, had been already exposed to European art styles and conventions to some degree.
Since there is a possibility that our tlacuilo is not a local artist but from Central Mexico, this process of artistic acculturation might have taken place elsewhere Tlatelolco? Regardless, we do not need elusive artistic acculturation to tell us that this stratum is of post-Hispanic manufacture. While the European hat of the seated figure was already mentioned, that of the Christian cross as seen within the G2 topoglyph is not less obvious.
However, and as I will claim below, both might have served as icons not that differently than those of the pre-Hispanic elements. This have been said, the overall impression is that the 2nd stratum was executed not long after the European conquest of the area in question. If indeed we are contemplating the Tehuantepec region, then the year will have to be the Terminus Post Quem.
Stratum 3: the Pentimento Some time after the first tlacuilo finished painting the primary document, another stratum was painted on the cloth, adding element besides and on top of the second stratum ones. By the appearance and content of these newly added elements, there are good reasons to believe that this event happened some time after the original painting, and by a different hand In a closer inspection of the lienzo, it is clearly visible that topoglyphs A2, A3-II, A4, A5, A7, A8, and river V4 are distinguishable both by their style, position, and treatment of the underlying medium, which strongly suggest a different tlacuilo was working.
Since these new elements all share the same characteristics, we can also assume these were added in one short event. Before adding these onto the first and second stratum, the second tlacuilo seem to have drawn a sketch of the elements, and subsequently erased them before painting the final version. This is suggested by the still discernible erased lines under all the elements, except for topoglyph A4.
The tlacuilo then employed a reed stylus to apply the lines with a slightly darker tint than the one used in the primary document. Unlike the first tlacuilo, this one did not color any of the elements. The most notable change was the one involving the partial erasing of topoglyph A3-I, and the subsequent pentimento of A3-II, also the most elaborate element the second tlacuilo has drawn.
The choice of selecting A3-I for the pentimento does not seem arbitrary, and probably had to do more with a political statement rather than lack of space50 which will be discussed in chapter For now it is enough to note that several elements were spared from the previous topoglyph, the most clear are the charging warlord to the left, a vegetal? However, at the final version the tlacuilo seemingly ignored these figures and painted hills on top, with only slightly erasing them.
Perhaps the second tlacuilo was actually employing the same play on scale of the first tlacuilo to indicate relative importance. The upper part of the river was filled in with wavy lines, which might have been an attempt for realism, perhaps to indicate rapids. Therefore, we could speculate that the purpose of third stratum had to do with territorial concerns, most probably to the east of our area see chapters 7 and 8 for a geographical reconstruction.
Also interesting is the loss of the central perspective and idealized form, perhaps as indication of the disintegration of indigenous space as was similarly observed in the transformations between the Lienzo de Zacatepec I and II Smith Nonetheless, considering the uncomplicated drawing method used I suspect that their unrefined appearance had to do more with a mediocre or an inexperienced tlacuilo rather than with an unfinished work. Other clues to the amateurish skills of the 3rd stratum tlacuilo can be further inferred by spare the scalloped motif, since he or she thought it could fit in the newly drawn hill.
However, this motif always appears in the bottom end of the glyph, not in the middle. This had further distorted her final interpretation, believing the lienzo might have actually originated in Astata, one of the superimposed topoglyphs. Altogether, the style and content of this stratum all suggest that this was probably a localized event, involving a local second-hand tlacuilo or even an amateur who was simply skilled in copying forms.
Nonetheless, the mere fact that the new agents choose to impose the changes on an older document rather than painting a new one, makes this an interesting and crucial episode in the life of the LTT. For me this suggests that by the time these changes were made the document was no longer in the possession of its original owners. As I will further argue in chapter 13, by this very act of over-painting, not just political geography is being negotiated, but also history itself. Stratum 4: The Glosses At some uncertain time and event, an unknown hand added glosses onto the three existing strata, placing these besides most of the topoglyphs and several of the human figures.
The glosses are written with black ink on small pieces of European paper, and pasted directly onto the cloth. The heron of A3-II could have been copied from C1, as are the undulating lines within the hill sign. Considering the large size of the lienzo, it should neither surprise us that the tlacuilo is choosing to copy those topoglyphs that are closest to him at each point.
The letters shape and the abbreviation used strongly suggest a person well versed in the art of alphabetic writing.
Considering the early date and our peripheral region, this was most probably a Spaniard, perhaps a priest. Alternatively, we might see here an early attempt at the decipherment of the LTT, either indigenous or European The position of these glosses as the forth and last stratum is not a trivial one, and should be explained here. This implied that the original document topoglyphs and the glosses were, if not contemporary, than at least both predating the pentimento, as his stratigraphic reconstruction is further based on this observation. However, on closer inspection of the actual gloss made on two separate occasions in the MNA, the physical evidence seem to suggest that this was pasted over the A5 topoglyph line, and not the other way around The misleading impression especially in the Glass reproduction is brought by the fact that the paper gloss have cracked and split at this particular point, thus revealing the A5 topoglyph lines underneath.
The same gloss has several other cracks and, in fact, most of the paper glosses are similarly cracked, but in this case it is particularly accentuated by the contrast caused by the underlying black line. Furthermore, in July we have checked the possibility that the gloss was split during the drawing of the topoglyph A5 line. The latter possibility is however not supported by the orthographic evidence. Due to its important implications, this area and gloss were re-inspected during my second visit on July , and the observation was reconfirmed by Manuel Hermann.
I thank both for their help during these visits. Ironically, this recognition does not help us to explain the stratigraphic discourse, but rather complicate matters even further. Unnamed depicted rulers are not unknown, but it is hard to explain this apparent disregard for the protagonists, unless these were meant to be narrated orally see further discussion in chapter Furthermore, it is interesting that the glosses clearly refer to only those pictorial elements of the second strata, while ignoring those of the third.
Since the glosses accompany not just topoglyphs as it is common in other cases, but also name personages and perhaps titles chapter In the former case, the glosses regularly follow the position of the topoglyphs, and are either facing horizontally or vertically. Furthermore, it seems that the glosses were deliberately placed in such a way that they would not obstruct any of these pictorial elements There are however no traces of modern glue with this gloss or any other. In any event, this scenario would still fail to explain the lack of the A5 black tint over the gloss.
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As for the anthroponyms, the glosses of the 4th and 5th personages at scene V chapter What apparently is largely ignored in this case is the flora and fauna scene at the bottom, and probably the migration scene on top. Interesting still, the glosses all seem to be written in Nahuatl.
As the Mesoamerican lingua franca, it perhaps should not surprise us to find Nahuatl glosses in pictographic documents from non-Nahuatl communities e. This might further indicate that the reciter was truly a Nahuatl speaker, and not simply recited memorized Nahuatl names In any event, it is crucial to realize that this stratum does not simply repeat the information of the previous ones, but rather adds additional level of information. However, since the orthography suggests an earlier date as it is, this explanation is not likely in our case.
As we shall see in the following topoglyphic analysis, such a discrepancy does seem to show, at least in those elements where we can reconstruct the meaning independently Although all strata are thematically different from each other, their respective style independently point to relative early date of execution. This depicts a rather hectic course of events in which the lienzo was involved, and perhaps even causing.
Since the decipherment of place-names in any CH is a key aspect to its final understanding, this section of the thesis would accordingly be stressed. It is only through a careful delimitation of a geographical area that we can later draw conclusions regarding the political and ethnic actors at the time and before the LTT was painted. These in turn would serve us to reconstruct the historical narrative as represented by the different scenes. In respect to its importance, a short introduction is called for.
Little wonder therefore that some of the earliest works on the CHs also focused on this salient feature of their content- the topoglyphs. In this Classic study, the methodology for toponymic decipherment was established probably for the first time, along with other stylistic and iconographic CH characteristics. It was also the first attempt for a systematic identification of pictorial toponyms with actual localities in the Mixteca.
Other then the obvious and fundamental need for identifying the provenience of a document by the sign of its dynastic power, toponymic studies also allow to better evaluate the geographic scale of political and ethnic interactions, such as marriages, conquests, alliances, etc. In fact, it is through these careful reconstructions that scholars have come to realize the localized view presented in the Mixtec codices. The bond between place names and the establishment of political territories in Mesoamerica was already treated by Joyce Marcus Additionally, administrative and economic matters, such as tribute, are intimately associated with toponyms the Matricula de Tributos and later Codex Mendoza probably being the best examples.
Topoglyphs: Purpose and Construction Topoglyphs in the pictographic document could name anything from natural to man-made features, individual structures such as shrines and palaces, tributary regions cf. Codex Mendoza , central communities of political and dynastic power63, conquered places, subject towns, hills, valleys, rivers and practically anything else in the landscape that required a name As noted by Prem, topoglyphs are the most complex glyphs in the Aztec writing system Regardless of the language involved in the composition of the topoglyphs, these usually incorporate two parts: the geographical substantive and the qualifying element Smith While the geographical substantive is rather limited in scope, and present mostly landscape features such as hills, rivers, valleys, canals, etc; the qualifying elements could refer to almost anything from animals, insects, plants, architecture, food, clothing, inanimate objects, numbers, human activities, personalities, gods, and abstractions such as colours, sizes, emotions, and so on Raymond Occasionally there will be incorporated pictorial elements representing vocal suffixes, such as locatives, possessives, reverentials, and others, that supposedly allowed the reader to pronounce the place-name correctly, and differentiate between similar toponyms.
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The most common strategy in topoglyphic phonetic construction was through the use of homonyms, which mostly served to represent difficult or abstract concepts Prem I have not encountered an explicit case where the cacicazgo as a unit was being named, although the Codex Mendoza topoglyphs might have been indeed referring to just that concept. However, for the topoglyphs that are in the focus of this study, i. Seven Methodological Concerns 1 The basic way to go about deciphering a pictorial toponym is through the visual identification of its substantive and qualifier s , followed by a translation to the appropriate language from dictionaries and other sources.
When possible, an already identified toponym in other documents, either by alphabetic glosses or modern studies, should be helpful in evaluating our readings. Other CHs, boundary lists, geographical descriptions, or any other document can be related geographically and temporally as supporting data. When identifying a topoglyph in the LTT, I have relied primarily on the iconographic elements and only secondarily on the glosses although the reading of the latter served in many cases to identify the former.
The reasons for that are clear, since we have already established that the glosses are posterior to the painting of the primary document, and therefore probably already involved some re-interpretation of the pictorial This further required treating the pictorial and the gloss toponomy as two different etymological sets. However, and as was pointed above, the glosser seem to have had access to information which was not recorded iconographically, which indeed provide us with important clues as to the meaning and identifications of the places.
Therefore, in order to decipher a toponym one must first to know with which language to work with. My choice to work primarily with Nahuatl stems from three main reasons: 1 the Nahuatl glosses, 2 the fact that most communities in our area are known by their Nahuatl name, today as in the 16th century, and 3 the several linguistics cues incorporated in the topoglyphs, as will be demonstrated in the analysis below An excellent example of this phenomenon can be seen throughout the various version of the Lienzo de Guevea and Petapa see Oudijk and Jansen As indicated by Michael Swanton Nahuatl class notes, April , toponymic syntax should be reconstructed from the noun radical, and not from the absolutive e.
It is a known fact that indigenous people name almost every feature in their immediate and farther landscape, for pragmatic as well as esoteric orientations. On the other hand, since local toponomy mostly refer to common elements such as local plants and animals, these can also highly repetitive even within a small area, and thus increase our possibilities to find a match, either directly or through a link of associations.
Nevertheless, we should be cautious when going from the individual topoglyph to the region level. Many forms. It should also be noted that since in most cases the qualifier is inanimate which do not take the plural form in Nahuatl , some of these toponyms might actually be read in a plural rather than singular form e. For our area of southern Oaxaca and the Pacific coast, we can detect some of those changes from the ethnohistorical documents, and also from the archaeological record Therefore, and in order to establish a more secure correlation between an identified topoglyph and its respective community, it is always best to try and associate present-day village locations with nearby archaeological sites.
When we do not have a corresponding natural feature to match for a name, we could try to correlate the name of a settlement which etymology might correspond to that of the topoglyph. As we shall see, some of the boundary topoglyphs in the LTT do match the names of villages, even if there is no natural feature with that same name.
This is not to say that the topoglyph originally correspond to a settlement rather than a natural feature. However, since many of the settlements drew their names from a nearby natural feature and vice versa , in some cases it is more common to find in the modern maps the corresponding settlement name, rather then that of the natural feature.
Furthermore, where the names of the natural features could have been forgotten over the years, these were more likely to have been preserved within village toponyms. The Colonial data demonstrate that boundary markers might 67 One important reason for the disruption of pre-Hispanic settlement pattern were the Spanish congregaciones. For the villages closer to the Pacific shore, pirate raids also contributed to their abandonment Gerhard ; Brockington and Long b. Additionally, the increased maritime activity along this part of the coast also changed the location of villages and terrestrial routes in favor of inter-Pacific trade Gerhard Those villages which survived the first decades of European presence, were nevertheless subject to many stresses that forced them to re-locate, often more than once, such as was the case for Astata and Huatulco Gerhard These mountain top settlement were later relocated by the Spanish at the foot of the mountains, or at valley congregaciones.
Yet another question rises regarding the possibility of inhabited settlement along the boundary. It does not seem likely for a boundary topoglyph to include a community, since this would create the ambiguity of where exactly did the boundary pass, as we cannot imagine it passing through and dividing the settlement.
However, there seem to be several indications that human settlements were indeed showing as boundary topoglyphs. One such example is the map of Mani from the Yucatan Peninsula Mundy This last point is stressed here since I believe at least one boundary topoglyph C2 might have been an actual active settlement at the time the LTT was painted, as perhaps even others69 see chapter 7. Prem insists that Toltec-Chichimec territory as depicted in the Codex Xolotl and the Historia Tolteca- Chichimeca is defined not by natural features, but rather by conquered villages. However, it is rarely clear simply by a topoglyph were would the boundary line actually cross: at the top of the hill or at the bottom; at the center of the valley or along the edge?
As we shall see, in several cases the LTT glosses seem to be more explicit on the matter than the topoglyphs. Accordingly, in many instances one have to carefully reconstruct the historical changes that a given toponym has suffered, which in most cases are not recorded in the sources This trend is more apparent in the pre-Hispanic codices most notable the historical Mixtec , and might suggest that our lienzo is closely related to such an artistic tradition. It is also well possible that more than one name is represented for any given topoglyph, as multiple-naming seems to be have been a common practice in the historical codices, but less so in the Colonial CH.
Another possibility is that bilingual names are present, especially when considering our polyglot region. Some names have been changed completely, often without an obvious reason e. Other names changed when a different linguistic groups inhabited the place, or in turn rejected an earlier imposed ones mostly by the Aztecs.
For example, the bounadry topoglyphs are all of equal size, as are most of the subject and peripherical towns. We could assume that this play in relative size represent both relative importance, as probably a respective urban size. Further I will suggest that these two functions, the religious and the political, might in fact be manifested in the LTT central topoglyphs chapter In drawing the boundary, the tlacuilo clearly spaced the topoglyphs so to maintain a regular distance between each subsequent signs.
However, we notice that these on the right hand side boundary line are more sparsely paced, while those on top and left are closer to each other- which as we shall see is echoing their distribution in the actual geography It is also notable that the boundary and peripheral topoglyphs do not all follow a common direction. While those on the right hand side and top are depicted as pointing 71 Larger topoglyphs outside-of-boundary are known also from the Map of Metlatoyuca, Lienzo de Nativitas, and others.
We might propose that if this was not an accidental act on part of the tlacuilo which I doubt , it might be perhaps comparable to a similar pattern observed in the Lienzo de Guevea Oudijk and Jansen ff. Another possible explanation is that the tlacuilo wanted to distinguish or emphasize the topoglyphs on either of the sides, perhaps since these were especially relevant to the territorial claim. The Boundary Rope Surely one on the most regularized elements in the LTT is the boundary line that connects the topoglyphs.
Not less significant, this artificial boundary line is depicted as a rope motif now very faint but still visible on the original lienzo , running through the boundary topoglyphs. The presence of the rope as a boundary line is rare, but not unique. A pair of rope-like elements surrounds and frames the topoglyphs in the Lienzo de Nativitas van Doesburg , although there these are not explicitly bound to it.
A recurrent scene in the Codex Vindobonensis may help us to interpret the iconographic function of this 73 The topoglyphs on the right are mostly separated from each other by cms, while those on the top and left by roughly 13 cms. Originally, the line would have been straight all through, with a slight deviation but a significant one, see chapter 8. In earlier papers in have misinterpreted a faded white line in the Glass reproduction between D9 and D10 as a continuation of the boundary line. On closer inspection of the original document in the MNA no such line was visible or any traces that the boundary did continue in this part.
This indeed have significant implications on the LTT geographical reconstruction, since it puts topoglyphs D8, D9, and D10 not as boundary places, but rather as independent of the bounded territory see further discussion in chapter 7. Still, due to their central role I have begun the analysis with these, although the more detailed etymological analysis would appear only later in chapter Since none of the rivers and roads is named which is often the case in CHs , it is necessary to start by identifying first the topoglyphs, and then proceed on to the broader geographical identification.
However, I will take here as a basic assumption that the lower body of water is indeed the Pacific Ocean as stated above. As for the more specific area in where to look for toponymic correlations, I have followed the clues as presented above regarding the known history of the LTT, and have focused on the eastern section of the Oaxacan Pacific coast, particularly on the Chontal territory. Moving from the known to the unknown, a more detailed set of reconstructions would follow the topoglyphic identifications.
For the following discussion, see Figure 2 and Map It is therefore important to note that broken lines could be extended either way, depending on the location of the unidentified marks. Mendoza fol. Otherwise, this could be also a reference to a specific genus, in which case we will have to identify it beforehand.
Gloss: none, perhaps never existed Geographical identification: Guatulco? The only elements that are painted are the cross red , and the tree bluish. Mendoza, fol. Since ropes were occasionally produced from the fibers of the maguey plant, the topoglyphs might show us this relation between the two. However, a likely possibility is that it represents also Cerro Maguey, a prominent mountain with an archaeological site nearby Mecaltepec The mountain and the site are located today in the lands of San Jose Chiltepec.
The modern-day village of Zapotitlan is located in a small valley surrounded by small archaeological sites on mountaintops. At least one site that I have visited, Cerro Venado, might have been of Postclassic occupation Arthur Joyce, personal communication based on my ceramic drawings, June The site just above the village, Cerro Zapote, seems to have been a Classic site, although it was only partially surveyed. This absence seems strange, especially when we consider that this was one of the subject towns, and therefore was highly significant in the LTT.
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I see it an indication that our place should be found close to a river, and on the east bank. Pilcintepec is also mentioned in the encomienda of one Juan Gallego, and which was taken by the crown in Gerhard Gerhard suggests that Pilcintepec was finally congregated at Topiltepec At the vicinity of the modern day town of Morro Ayuta, Brockington and Long recorded five, and possibly six81 habitational sites Ayuta The comparison with our six house-like symbols accompanying the topoglyph is tempting, although from these surveyed sites only three sites were securely late Postclassic.
This might directly attest to the sites relative importance at the time of the conquest. The following identifications further support this notion. The village of Suchitepec later changed its name to Xadani in Zapotec Gerhard In our case, it would suggest the Pacific Ocean. This might be a reference to the same place. In September we have visited an archaeological site on this island, which was not covered in the Huatulco project survey Fernandez and Gomez The surface ceramics showed great similarity to the Late Postclassic material from Huatulco.
Additional support: although the two captors-captives pairs probably belong to the broader scene II see chapter Substantive: A: an enclosure? C: Guayacan plant; a four or five petals flower Pesman Geographical identification: Guallacan village Comments: there seem to be no correspondence between the pictorial elements and the gloss. For an illustration and discussion on this and other seashells from the Huatulco excavations, see Gomez and Fernandez Geographical identification: Tapanala86 village Comment: Astata and Huamelula, right to the east of Tapanala, were known up to this century to be among the major and few centers for cloth-dying by conch-shells along the Central American Pacific coast Bartolome and Barabas 15; Gerhard That our qualifier might indeed be this instrument is indicated by two maguey-like forms at its sides C.
B6 Analogous example: Historia Tolteca-Chichimeca, fol. At the moment only the first and middle parts can be seen. This might have been passing by a hill of the same qualifier, and which name has not preserved Since the village apparently kept its location form at least the Colonial period, we can suspect that the mountain was where it was originally located. If so, than this would also imply that when this topoglyph was originally incorporated as a settlement within the boundary line see discussion above.
Mendoza: fols. This identification therefore remains questionable. This again might be alluding to this place being an active community, as indicated by Martinez Garcida. Berdan , , ; Reyes However, this might be only one of the names the village is known, as I have not checked in Suchiltepec itself. In the Lienzo de San Lorenzo Jilotepequillo there are two adjacent topoglyphs, the one with a face, the other with circular element similar to our qualifier.
In analogous example no. In our case it might have stood as a phonetic compliment for the either of the two suggested qualifiers. This however could not be identified geographically. As several locals of Chiltepec have noted, this plant has large leaves and long vines quite similar to the depicted qualifier personal communication, September This might therefore be a regional variant, or the gloss reciter misinterpretation.
Simeon , E: a wall?
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Comment: it is not clear how and if the pictorial qualifiers and the gloss correspond. Mendoza, fols. Qualifier s : B: wall ramparts C:? There is a Cerro Jabali 15 km. NE to Jamixtepec. A3-I Substantive: A: hill? Other: C:? Domingo Comment: in other sources the topoglyph of this famous town in represented with a jaguar. Our qualifier, although mostly erased, does not resemble this animal. It might be A similar element can be seen in one of the boundary topoglyphs in the Lienzo de Coixtlahuaca. Brockington and Long surveyed two Postclassic sites close to the contemporary village of Morro Mazatan.
En Guaxaca, LXX. Substantive: A: hill? Qualifier s : A: beehive? However, its exact location could not have been ascertained. Qualifier s : B: cradle? It seems that this topoglyph was intentionally painted mostly red or yellow depends of the discoloration , which further distinguish it from the others. In the 16 th century Cozoaltepec was known as Cozauhtepec Gerhard Gloss: none, perhaps fell Geographical identification: Tula? Third Stratum Topoglyphs As mentioned above, since we suspect the second tlacuilo was merely copying from the second stratum topoglyphs, these newly added ones might not necessarily be fixed in any geographical reality.
Still, some of these topoglyphs do seem to be carrying additional qualifiers, and those were tentatively localized. Geographical identification: Astata Santiago-. Additional support: Based on the Late Postclassic shreds collected, Brockington and Long proposed the site of Hualakgoce Cerro de la Pitahaya as the probable location of Early Colonial Astata b A4 Substantive: A: hill Qualifier s : none? Gloss: none, probably never existed Geographical identification: unidentified A5 Substantive: A: hills Qualifier s : B: a plant, perhaps Zapote tree Gloss: none, probably never existed Geographical identification: Cerro Zapote?
A8 Substantive: A: hill Qualifier s : B:?