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Eugenia Dunlap Potts. William Wells Brown. Du Bois: Essays. The Negro in the South. Abraham Lincoln - Man Of God. John W. The Portable Frederick Douglass. The Lincoln Year Book. Abraham Lincoln. Burghardt Du Bois. History of the American Abolitionism. Felix Gregory De Fontaine. A Plea for Captain John Brown. Education of the Negro. Charles Dudley Warner. Qoutations of Thomas Jefferson. Quotation Classics. The Narrative of William W. Brown, a Fugitive Slave. A Book of Autographs. Nathaniel Hawthorne. A Frederick Douglass Reader. On the Duty of Civil Disobedience. Qoutations of John Adams.

Citizen Jefferson. John P. George Bancroft. The Magazine Articles of Frederick Douglass. Old John Brown, the man whose soul is marching on. Walter Hawkins. Great Speeches by Frederick Douglass. Light Ahead for the Negro.

A Load of Buell? Another Look at The Cannoneer (Lecture)

The Articles of Confederation. The Color Line. Fifty years of Freedom. Francis J. James Otis, the Pre-Revolutionist. John Clark Ridpath. Henry Ward Beecher. Masterpieces of Negro Eloquence. Alice Moore Dunbar. The American Spirit in Literature : a chronicle of great interpreters. Bliss Perry. Du Bois: Selections from His Writings. Anarchism and American Traditions. Voltairine de Cleyre. The Heroic Slave. Four American Leaders. Charles William Eliot. Duels and Duelists. Thomas Bangs Thorpe. The American Family in the Colonial Period. His study found only black lawyers below the Mason-Dixon Line.

In some states, the ratio of blacks to black lawyers was over , to 1. Houston drew from his study the conclusion that Howard should send as many of its graduates as possible to the South, where the need and antagonisms were the greatest. A week-long series of lectures by Darrow, the fabled defense attorney, emphasized racial inequities in the criminal justice system. One of the most promising new students was a gangling young man from Baltimore named Thurgood Marshall.

He was absolutely fair and the door to his office was always open. In its early years, the leadership of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People was predominantly white. The years between and , however, saw a concerted effort to recruit new black members in every region of the country.

As a result, membership rolls increased tenfold during that four-year period. Crawford stood accused by Virginia of having robbed and murdered two socially prominent white women. Blacks assumed the charge to be groundless. I would not be equal to the task because it would mean that I would have to give up all work here at the University. It would be impossible to do both jobs at the same time. Houston planned to base his defense of Crawford on the testimony of two alibi witnesses who would place the defendant in Boston at the time of murders in Middleburg, Virginia. Confronting his client in jail with the new evidence, Crawford admitted to having lied about his alibi and confessed to the robbery, though he continued to insist that he was not guilty of the double murder.

Evidence that Crawford pawned the gold watch of one of the victims and a note in his handwriting found in her car left Houston arguing for reasonable doubt in what he first assumed to be a case of clear innocence. It took considerable courage simply to show up. Houston and his co-counsel commuted to the trial from Washington because no one in the Leesburg area wanted to run the risk of housing them. For Du Bois, there was no choice for the foreseeable future between segregation and no segregation, so efforts should be directed to organizing social and political power within the black community.

Houston disagreed. Even as he continued to be castigated by Communists and other radicals his conduct of the Crawford case and for his strategy of attacking segregation gradually, Houston urged a strategy of cooperation with these same groups. Houston and his law students participated in marches and sent financial contributions to the defense effort. Public support for the Scottsboro Boys—demonstrated in marches and protests from Berlin to Chattanooga—impressed Houston.

In October , Houston recommended to the NAACP board that the organization concentrate its legal efforts on ending discrimination in education. The fight must begin, he argued, under the prevailing separate but equal principle announced in Plessy. Given the pervasive discrimination and economic deprivation in the United States, it was unrealistic to expect courts to jettison separate but equal immediately. It should seek to demonstrate beyond question the inequalities that exist in education—it should provide hard evidence of the salary differentials between black and white teachers and the limited opportunities that exist for black students compared to their white counterparts.

On a rainy summer night, Houston boarded a train in Washington, set to begin a new phase in his remarkable life. Slavery in the most northern of the slaves states, Missouri, took a different form than in states farther south. Cotton was not king in Missouri; plantations were few and far between. Slaves worked on small farms, as cabin boys on riverboats, as domestics, in lead mines.

Dred Scott of St. Louis, the most famous of all slaves, like most Missouri slaves, never worked a crop. Instead, typical of urban slaves, he performed odd jobs and errands for his master, a physician named John Sandford. Lower concentrations of slaves in Missouri meant less fear of slave revolts than in the plantation states. Consequently, Missouri—unlike the South, which feared that too much knowledge might inspire collective action—did not have laws on its statute books during the s through early s that prohibited the teaching of slaves.

This did not mean, of course, that slaves received instruction even remotely similar to whites. In a frontier slave society, slaves could look only to the families of their slave masters for instruction. Some families taught their slaves how to read and write, but most did not. In the urban areas of St. Louis and Kansas City opportunities for education were slightly better.

A few schools permitted slaves—provided that their owners agreed?

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In the late s, however, this small opening to the world of books and learning closed. Amidst a growing concern about slave revolts, the Missouri General Assembly voted to prohibit schools from teaching slaves how to read or write. After Reconstruction, however, black education became increasingly neglected. In , the Missouri Assembly ended the practice of many of its rural school districts by passing legislation prohibiting racial mixing in the schools. Two years later, the Missouri Supreme Court, in Lehew v. The Bolshevik Revolution in Russia contributed to a renewed interest in Negro education in the late teens.

By the early s, Missouri again could claim to be a leader among the seventeen former slave states in providing educational opportunities to blacks. Despite improved opportunities for blacks in primary and secondary education, higher education in Missouri remained beyond the reach of all but a handful of blacks. Only one public college in the state, Lincoln University in Jefferson City, admitted blacks—and few that it admitted graduated. In , Lincoln reported no graduates at all. In , it reported eighteen. Although given a governing structure similar to that of the University of Missouri, Lincoln could not compete in either scope or quality of its course offerings.

For blacks to compete successfully, the biggest of all obstacles facing American blacks in the s must be eliminated. His campaign would proceed in three steps. First, he would make plain the inequality that existed in the educational opportunities of blacks and whites. Second, he would make equality too expensive for states to maintain.

Finally, he would attack the separate but equal principle upon which segregation rested. He must be able able to detect no inconsistencies in slavery…. Before a frontal attack on segregation could be made, favorable precedents must be established. Big trees in the legal forest such as Plessy fell only when their roots became so weakened that they could no longer sustain the weight.

Blacks would have to unite behind it. Houston chose to focus first on segregation in the graduate and professional schools of state universities. The complete absence of graduate and professional opportunities in many states made the inequality dramatic and impossible to dismiss. Houston saw other reasons for beginning his attack on Plessy in the professional schools. First, professional schools could be the source of sorely needed black leaders. Second, judges—as products of professional schools themselves—could appreciate the consequences of the inequalities that indisputably existed.

Third, opposition to integration of professional schools, affecting relatively small numbers of older students, was far less threatening to southern whites than would be the immediate integration of primary and secondary schools. Houston filed his first case on behalf of Donald Murray, a black graduate of Amherst College who wished to attend the University of Maryland Law School. An important precedent had been established, but the Murray decision had the force of law only in Maryland. To end segregation in the professional schools of other states, a case must be taken to the United States Supreme Court.

Nobody needs to explain to the Negro the difference between the law in books and the law in action. Louis last January the editor of one of the most influential dailies was shocked to learn that qualified Negroes were excluded from the state university. Canada responded as he had to hundreds of similar requests. Within a week, a form letter and a catalog were on their way to Lloyd L. Gaines was black. Born in Mississippi in , Lloyd at age fifteen moved with his family to St.

Gaines proved himself to be a superior student. The tall, rangy, thin-faced youth graduated in three years from Vashon High School as the senior class president and valedictorian in a class of fifty. Gaines used the scholarship to study for a year at Stowe Teachers College in St. At Lincoln as in high school, Gaines combined solid academic performance and an impressive schedule of activities. He graduated in August with a major in History and minors in English and Education. Gaines set out in the Depression year of with three impressive recommendations from his college teachers.

His Education professor, S. While Lloyd Gaines was looking for work, Charles Houston analyzed the prospects for a successful suit against the University of Missouri based on its policy of segregation. In July, Houston contracted with a black St. Louis attorney, Sidney R. Best way here is to let the prospective student or some of his friends obtain the blank in his or her own way. Application forms in did not ask applicants to identify their race.

Registrar S. Canada sent Gaines a telegram indicating that his application no longer was considered a routine matter:. The same day that Gaines received the telegram, September 18, , he wrote President Florence of Lincoln University. An immediate reply would be highly appreciated. Nor did the university formally admit or reject the application of Gaines. It merely sat there on a desk, a pile of one. Scott also was a victim of inaction. Although the Governor learned of the impending lynching hours before it occurred, he chose not to call out the militia.

A broad sympathetic appeal for fair play must be made to the students of the University. Soon, however, Missouri made it clear that it would not desegregate without a fight. They considered the likelihood of successful litigation and compared it against other possible challenges from around the country. The suit was in the form of a petition for a writ of mandamus asking the court to order Registrar S. The Board, turning to its lawyer members, requested a report on possible responses as soon as possible. When the Board reconvened, it followed the recommendation of its lawyers by adopting a resolution concerning the admittance of Negro applicants to the University.

Gaines be and it hereby is rejected. Gaines, the lawyers suggested, sued the wrong party. After both parties filed briefs with the Boone County court, Judge W. Dinwiddie set the matter for trial on July 10, Charles Houston arrived in St. Louis on July 6 to begin concentrated preparation for the Gaines trial.

At A. They arrived three hours later.

Charles Sumner CentenaryThe American Negro Academy. Occasional Papers No. 14

The three lawyers for the university, Registrar Canada, and President Middlebush, seated themselves at the defense table. About people crowded into the Boone County courthouse to view the proceedings. As Houston scanned the crowd, however, he saw more white faces than black faces. The heat temperatures rose to over degrees in the afternoon , the distance of Columbia from centers of black population, the lack of public transportation, and the fact that two blacks had recently been lynched in the Columbia vicinity all might have reduced the number of black spectators.

Many in the crowd were white farmers. A serious drought had hit central Missouri. Dozens of farmers had traveled to Columbia to seek relief from county welfare agencies located in the courthouse. When the relief lines got too long, farmers wandered into the courtroom to observe the rare spectacle of Negro lawyers performing. In addition to the farmers, about one hundred law students from the University of Missouri came to learn about the case that had put their school in the news.

Houston noted that blacks and whites sat together in the courtroom. Missouri practiced selective—not pervasive? Sidney Redmond opened the hearing with a factual statement of the case for Lloyd Gaines. In general, Edgerton commended the new data published in the report by Willcox and Du Bois, as well as the useful ways in which the presentation of the data made comparisons over time and region easier p. He made suggestions about data that should be collected during later censuses. Not so much because he possesses some negro blood, and under our social conventions is accounted a negro.

He was born in Massachusetts, not among the cabins of the cotton kingdom; and his spiritual affinity, if not with his white kin rather than his black, is at least with the instructed rather than the simple. But, after his sociological training at Harvard and Berlin, and after his service at the University of Pennsylvania, he turned to work for the negroes of the South.

He has studied their condition with a trained eye and a passionate interest. He has been the moving spirit of the Atlanta negro conferences. He has directed the valuable investigations of special topics, such as the college-bred negro, the negro common schools, and negroes in business, the results of which have been published by Atlanta University. His more personal observations and conclusions have been given in various magazines, and in his book, "The Souls of Black Folk. Also to be stated is that "Negro" was not capitalized in the original.

It was entitled "The Souls of Black Folk". Du Bois reached the following conclusion: In its larger aspects the style is tropical — African. This needs no apology. The blood of my fathers spoke through me and cast off the English restraint of my training and surroundings. The resulting accomplishment is a matter of taste.

Sometimes I think very well of it and sometimes I do not. This is an unpublished document that scholars have determined was composed by Du Bois somewhere in late or early It is an important text that allows us to explore Du Bois's views on social science, including sociology's unit of analysis as well as his understanding of sociological laws in relation to human free will. The Credo online database, housed at the University of Massachusetts Amherst library, contains page facsimiles of the typescript, along with pencil corrections and Du Bois's signature at the end of the document.

This primary source by Du Bois resulted from his participation as a discussant at the Third Annual Convention of the Religious Education Association which convened in Boston during February Page on this web site as part of my digital humanities project, Retextualizer. The Niagara Movement. The Niagara Movement often is considered to be the first civil rights movement organized in the 20th Century. The W. Du Bois Library at the University of Massachusetts Amherst provides numerous items pertaining to the formation and organization of the Niagara Movement.

Included are letters to and from Du Bois as well as other documents that illustrate the range of issues confronting the Movement. Many of the documents were written by persons other than Du Bois. Also, there are a few items dated in the years after its ultimate end in They are accessible online at FindArticles. Matthews, Jr. It was published in the New York Times on 20 August XI, No. Alternate site: TeachingAmericanHistory. Alternate site: Prof. Fracchia and published in New Centennial Review v.

In this long essay, Du Bois continued his practice of using different publishing venues to communicate information about African Americans, especially the progress made in economic and educational terms as well as the impediments to African American success within U. He provided an overview of the economic history of blacks in America, first in terms of a slave economy, and later under different forms of tenant farming.

He analyzed the negative consequences of the convict labor system, especially with regard to its tendency to undermine the legitimacy of the criminal justice system due to the sham legal proceedings often associated with it p. Turning to political history he covered the long struggle for voting rights and the various ways that African Americans had been hindered from exercising their franchise, including those practiced by state governments.

But the history of the centuries is the history of the discovery of the human soul and in every age the curse of the average person was his own narrowness, his blindness toward the riches that surrounded him, the notion that his own narrow heart and his small mind are the measure and borders of the universe. Above all in our days we do not want to forget the trivial observation that even in the nooks and alleys, and under threadbare clothing, lay hidden riches and depths of human life that we will perhaps never experience in ourselves.

In the struggle for his human rights the American Negro relies above all on the feeling of justice in the civilized world. We are no barbarians or heathen, we are educable and our education is increasing; our economic abilities have proven themselves. We too want to have our chance in life. Whoever wants to get acquainted with our living conditions, be welcome; we demand nothing other than that one gets acquainted with us honestly and face to face, and does not judge us according to hearsay or according to the verdict of our despisers.

Joseph Fracchia [ department page ] offers us a nicely rendered translation; he appends several translator's endnotes that amplify or clarify several aspects of the original DuBoisian text. Other pieces in this issue are written by Nahum D. Chandler, Hortense J.

Table of Contents

Spillers, Nicole A. Fields, and Jeremy W. The entire issue and individual articles can be purchased either in print form or else in downloadable PDF files. For purchases one would need first to use the "Table of Contents" drop-down menu list located on the navigation bar and select "Volume 6, Number 3 ". After the contents of that particular issue are displayed, one then can make purchase choices. As was written on the title page: "The great question answered by two hundred living Americans of prominence in politics; in the army and navy; in science, art, music and literature; in the mercantile world; in the professions; and in the chairs of universities.

An expression from secular life only the views of all clergymen being excluded. Du Bois, A. January 30, I have a thousand years of work laid out before me. And each year as it flies leaves the vision of another thousand. I should like to live to finish all this; it seems reasonable that I should; I hope I may. Two lectures by Du Bois. Booker T. Washington and W. Du Bois. Philadelphia: G.

Jacobs, Du Bois said: [A]s a subtle and far-reaching blend of blood, you have in many great white men this negro element coming in to color and make wonderful the genius which they had -[-] a fact which was as true of Robert Browning and Alexander Hamilton as it was of Lew Wallace and a great many other Americans who may wish to have it forgotten.

To train this talent we need colleges. We ask these things not because we want to be helped, but that we may help ourselves. John Brown. Du Bois published this interpretive biography of the abolitionist John Brown with G. The building of barriers against the advance of Negro-Americans hinders but in the end cannot altogether stop their progress.

The excuse of benevolent tutelage cannot be urged, for that tutelage is not benevolent that does not prepare for free responsible manhood. Nor can the efficiency of greed as an economic developer be proven -- it may hasten development but it does so at the expense of solidity of structure, smoothness of motion, and real efficiency. Nor does selfish exploitation help the undeveloped; rather it hinders and weakens them. About-this-book Page. Galbreath surveyed various works on that historical person in Ohio Archaeological and Historical Quarterly , v. DuBois, the colored scholar and author, which is well worth reading.

It may be regarded as an index of the ultimate attitude of the race for which Kansas bled and the gallows of Virginia ushered in the tragic drama of the Civil War. DuBois's book does credit to himself and his people. It reflects their gratitude for liberation from bondage, and the estimate of Brown's followers who fought to accomplish this is thoughtful and conservative.

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It is evident, however, that the author has in mind the present and future of his race and a somber appreciation of prejudices to be overcome and wrongs to be righted. He insists that the negro [ sic ] still suffers grievous injustice; that the times call for another John Brown to batter down the walls and break the fetters that deprive his people of the rights and opportunities which should be theirs under our institutions. He has a grievance to present and a purpose to accomplish; he gets a hearing through his ably written biography of John Brown, even as Charles Sumner in his scholarly lecture on Lafayette found an avenue for an attack on the institution of slavery.

PPA [Another digital copy ]. Presented by DuBois at the National Negro Conference held in New York City in , this paper is interesting for, among other reasons, his interpretation of Darwinian evolution as it applied to the progress of races over time and the human race also , and its implications for social policies -- all in contradistinction to many of the tenets of the so-called social Darwinism found in the U.

In the early 20th Century L. Bernard sent a questionnaire to various programs of sociology within U. Du Bois was queried and his response to Question 15 was printed in the journal article. Question 15 asked: "Express fully your judgment of the present tendencies of sociology, and your forecast of its future in your own institution. In this connection give statistical data if possible. Also give any other facts that you regard as important.

Note that he is listed as the president of Atlanta University and also note that "Negro" was not capitalized in the original. President Du Bois , Atlanta University: "Sociology will, in my opinion, for the next decade or so leave the theoretical side largely alone and devote itself carefully to a practical intensive study, emphasizing in such points as are of importance to students who are going into social work, and who wish to understand the full significance of history.

In this institution, naturally, the statistical and historical study of the negro [sic] problem will be the chief content of the courses in sociology for some years to come. The article is accessible online at Archive. Washington's "Negro Four Years Hence" is also published here. Du Bois was the first editor of The Crisis , the main periodical of the N.

He published numerous editorials and articles in this magazine. Various volumes are accessible online: Google Books provides the largest collection for online viewing: from some of the earliest issues to those published about two years ago. The Internet Archive provides, for downloading or online viewing, these volumes: v. The Modernist Journals Project, a collaborative effort by Brown University and the University of Tulsa, makes accessible for online viewing and downloading these volumes: v. This article was published in the American Historical Review , July at pp. In the essay Du Bois sketched the political consequences of the 15th Amendment on the legislation of the South.

For example, he examined the democratic facets of the state constitutions established by Black legislators, including the creation of public education for all citizens. It was published in The Crisis ; v. This is Du Bois' first novel. It was published in Chicago: A. This is an anonymously written article that contains the text of a speech delivered by Du Bois at the Lyceum Club in London on 26 June The speech took place prior to the start of the First Universal Races Congress which was held at the University of London on July , The paper was later published in the Sociological Review , October : Du Bois Testimony.

Hearing on U. The hearing was conducted by the Senate Committee on Industrial Expositions. Du Bois spoke after R. Wright Sr. Wright Jr. The bill is described in the report as follows: The bill proposes that the fiftieth anniversary of the emancipation of the Negro race in the United States by President Lincoln's proclamation shall be celebrated by an exposition to show the progress of the race during their first half century of freedom.

The committee think that such an exposition will be of value by encouraging the negroes [ sic ] in the country toward thrift, industry, and effort to become more useful citizens; that it will be instructive to all the people of the country by pointing out the ways in which they can most practically and usefully help the negroes [ sic ] of the country to improve their condition. I wanted to say a word to the committee about the kind of exposition we would like to have. I think a committee like this must be a little chary of expositions, because they have grown so enormous in size and they cost so much money.

It has been in our minds that we could organize an exposition in this case upon a lot of new lines, distinctly educational, for the people of the United States, both for the colored people and for the white people. As a center of those exhibits it has been thought we should have a section devoted to a scheme which should be the same exhibits, something on the order of the child welfare that the committee of women have been doing — or tuberculosis, and so on — that this main scheme should try to show the condition of the colored people throughout the United States.

For instance, it should have something of the African background, and in this department, and in all departments, we could make use of all the different things that can be shown to illustrate the concrete things and spiritual things which affect the colored people.

For instance, maps and charts and models and mechanical figures of various sizes, and marble pictures, and, perhaps, phonographs could be shown. I presume most of you know that in nearly all of the great countries of the world there is an African exhibit. The African museums in London, Paris, and Berlin are sources in each of those cities of great educational value, and there is very little information of that sort in the United States. Something might be done to get together the things which show the wonderful mechanical genius of certain African tribes, especially their work in iron and in cloth.

Then, in the second place, the question of the development of the negro race throughout the world, and the distribution of the negroes in the United States could be shown by relief maps with groups of figures showing this distribution, and movable figures, perhaps, showing the migration. Then the question of the physique of the negro could be shown. Very little has been done in this country to show what is the typical negro physique.

A great deal could be done by photographs and by plaster casts. Then the question of health and disease could be covered. My idea is that this exhibit should be a truthful exhibit. It should not be simply a thing that would be exaggerated in any way. It should be a real picture so far as possible of the condition of the negro people so that not only would it show the progress but also the dangers and the diseases to which they are liable.

Then the question of occupation could be covered. Of course, that would be one of the most interesting parts of the exhibit. This could be shown perhaps by mechanical figures of correct relative size showing the occupations of the negroes and the value of their sevices [ sic ] in a relative manner in all the different departments in which the negro takes a considerable part.

Then the matter of education has been spoken of. We could have models and charts showing illiteracy, and conditions in cities, and photographs of institutions and especially photographs and models showing the work of the graduates of institutions as the work of the institution filters down to the actual mass of the people. In no department has the negro shown more genius for modern organization than in his churches, and the models of churches and of the work in churches be shown.

The younger Mr. Wright here is a representative of one of the great churches and there is a great publish-house as he says in Nashville, Tenn. That work could be shown and a person could grasp it and it would show the tremendous development that has taken place in that line. Then in the matter of civics — I suppose most of you would be surprised to know the number of negro towns and quarters throughout the United States more or less organized as independent entities. Exhibits could be had showing those towns and the workings of those towns which would be of great interest.

Then there would be of course charts and diagrams and models showing the orgainzed [ sic ] life, the business life, the social life, the work of social uplift among the negro people. There are orphan asylums and there are a good number of hospitals and homes. The family life, the interior of the homes could be shown. And then the question of art which has been mentioned.

Negro music could be shown and photographs of art and other work, and a collection of negro books. There are something like weekly newspapers. And finally statistics of crimes and of delinquencies could be shown.