As the costs of engagement are high — all the more in a context of social and economic precariousness — can forms of militant fatigue, exhaustion or even depression be observed among activists? What are the consequences of such disqualification strategies on the professional and personal trajectories of mobilized actors? Finally, to what extent local and alternative media — radios, social media, neighborhood journals — can embody subaltern counter-public spaces allowing answering such symbolic attacks?
Constraining the material conditions of organizing. The sociology of collective action has long emphasized how resource mobilization was crucial to the success of social movements. What forms do such material constraints take in poor neighborhoods? A particular attention will be given to the funding strategies and the allocation of resources to NGOs from local governments and the State. What are the criteria guiding these choices?
To what extent the previously mentioned categories inform these decisions? How can such decisions be studied from a methodological point of view? While reflections have been carried out recently on the conditions of financial autonomy of poor people mobilizations  , social sciences can contribute to investigate the effects of community organizations economic models on the dynamic of collective action. Another important issue is the spatial conditions of mobilization .
How are office spaces and gathering places distributed in poor neighborhoods, and how does this impacts mobilizations? Clientelism and cooption of poor neighborhood activists. An often used strategy consists in the co-option of contentious actors or in granting them special favors, services or personal advantages to foster demobilization. To what extent has been re-invested or re-configured through the role played by community actors?
How does the local history shape the autonomy of civil society from this perspective? Inside allies and breaches within the State. The State is not a homogeneous bloc. It is characterized by contradictions and inside political mobilizations. From this perspective, beyond forms of repression and domestication, tactics of support — often discrete — to contention can also be observed.
What professional and political socialization processes may explain these types of internal resistance? What are the costs of such practices for actors? How concretely do alliances and support operate?
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Through funding decisions? Through struggles over the qualification of actors? By providing networking opportunities? Through the formation and training of activists and organizers? We will look in particular at the role of State and local government actors. From this perspective, does being physically or personally close to activists make such alliances easier?
We will investigate in particular policy sectors most relevant to poor neighborhoods: namely urban policies, anti-discrimination policies, security and gang-injunction policies, etc. Organizations and activists are not passive recipients of government strategies of repression.
We will therefore investigate the answers experimented in poor neighborhoods to respond to repression, disqualification and co-option. Are forms of self-defense emerging, as those experimented by the Black Power movement in the US or by feminist movements in order to respond to growing defiance towards police and justice forces?
What alternative funding practices can be envisioned to avoid co-option and remain autonomous? The conference welcomes empirically grounded sociological and historical research, investigating different historical situations, national or local contexts, ordinary or critical times. Proposals can tackle one or several themes of reflections listed above. All methodological and theoretical approaches are welcome. Amiot, M. Berthaut, J. Blanchard, E. Blanchard, P.
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À propos de Olivier Rollot
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